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EULOGY 




ON THE 



LIFE AND SERVICES 






OF 



'f 



HENRY CLAY, 



DELIVERED 



AT THE REQUEST OF THE CITY COUNCIL, f. 



IN 



AUGUSTA, GA., KOV. i, 1852. 



* 



* 






BY CHARLES J. JENKINS. 




AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. 

STEAM POWER TRESS OF CHRONICLE & SENTINEl 

1853. 



F*««*r-- 



/ 



\ 



2V 



N, 



EULOGY 



ON THE 



LIFE AND SERVICES 



Of 



HENEY CLAY, 



UKLIVERED 



AT THE REQUEST OF THE CITY COUNCIL, 



IN 



AUGUSTA, GA., NOV. 4, 1852. 



BY CHARLES J. JENKINS 






Wo. 



AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. (^ ."^" 
STEAM POWEK TRESS OF CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. 

1853. 



II' 



COREESPONDENCE. 



1 



REGULAR MEETING OF COUNCIL, 

Augusta, Nov. Clh, 1253. 
By Mr. May, passed unanimously : 

Rcsolverf, That the Committee on the Clay Eulogy be requested to ask of the 
Honorable Charlks J. Jenkins, a copy of the Address delivered by him on the 
fourth instant, for publication. 
A true extract from the Minutes of Council, of Nov. Cth, 1852. 

L. L. ANTONY, Ckrk nf CouncU. 



AUGUSTA, Nov. 25th, 1852. 
Hon. C. J. Jenkins: 

Dear Sir: — Above we hand you a resolution, unanimously passed 
by Council, calling on you to furnish a copy of your Oration for publication. 
Will you, sir, add to the obligations vi'C are under to you, by complying with the 
request. 

Respectfully, Your Obedient Senants, 

G. W. EVANS, ^. 

JOHN FOSTER, j 

R. PHILIP, J- CommitUt. 

B. CONLY, I 

WM. E. DEARING,j 



AUGUSTA, Dec. 4th, 1852. 
Gentlemen : 

In compliance with the request of the City Council of Augusta, com- 
municated in your note of the 25th ult., I herewith place in your hands for 
publication, a copy of the Address delivered by me on the 4th ult. 

Very Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, 

CflARLKS J. JENKINS. 
Hon. Wm. E. Dearino,^ 
Messrs. G. W. Evans, | 

R. Philip, J> Committee. 

John Foster, I 

B. CONLV, j 



V 



EULOGY. 



Tlie life of a nation, no less changeful in its aspects than 
that of an individual, continually invites reflection, and each 
grand phase is replete with instruction. Contemplate a 
nation at peace — her governmental operations — her indus- 
trial employments — her daily contributions to civilization — 
her temples and their services. Then turn and view the 
same nation at war — her ordinary occupations suspended or 
paralyzed — her artisans forging, instead of implements of 
labor, (now disused) the artillery of death — her sages in 
secret council — her legions in the field, now achieving victo- 
ry, now suffering defeat, leaving everywhere on their march 
the foot-prints of desolation. How dissimilar the pictures, 
yet how instructive each. 

But the course of time is onward, and another spectacle 
is presented in the vicissitudes of national existence. Peace 
has re-established her meliorating sway and enterprise resumed 
her wonted pursuits. The revolving year brings again a day 
memorable as an historical epoch. Operatives renounce 
labor, merchants eschew commerce, philosophers forego 
study ; all men, of all degrees, join to lengthen out the 
pageant — to swell the anthem. Her day of jubilee has 
come, and the nation exults in its cherished associations. 
Who so stoical as to look and list, yet feel no thrill. 

Once again the panorama changes. Now is seen every 
where the drapery of mourning ; deep gloom, like an ecliptic 
shadow, rests upon the face of society. The nation bows 
down under the weight of a common sorrow, uttering no 



voice but of lamentation, filling the air with the dirge's 
solemn tones. She mourns because one, aye a single one, 
of the multitudes in whose lives she lives, has passed away 
to be numbered among the dead. A great man in Israel 
has fallen, therefore all the host of Israel lift up their voices 
and weep. Such was the spectacle presented by this people 
but a few months since, when the lightning, (man's trained 
messenger) took up the heavy tidings, and ere the shrouding 
was done, announced to many millions of his countrymen, 
that the sage of Ashland was no more. 

Ourselves, both spectators and participants of this perva- 
ding grief, we may now pause to review the life and services 
of him, whose demiee is felt as a national calamity. 

Impelled by associations, awakened by those words of solemn 
import, may I be pardoned, Fellow Citizens, for turning aside 
from the specific duty assigned me, to speak of other like 
calamities that have fallen upon you in quick and overwbel- . 
ming succession ? When the death of Clay came home to 
you in sad reality, your thoughts first reverted to the still re- 
cent fail of the lamented Calhoun, then sought relief in the 
consoling reflection that Webster survived. To him, as 
your country's greatest living statesman, your hope clung. 
But before the obsequies of the second victim are ended, 
comes the knell of the third, to fill up the measure of your 
woe. Wedster — Clay — Calhoun — names associated with 
the events of nearly half a century — names which the 
historian may not separate. Born under the auspices of the 
American declaration of Independence ; rising uj) simulta- 
neously in the East, in the West, in the South, nobly have they 
illustrated the principles asserted in that manifesto of a new- 
born Republic, each supreme in the affections of his own imme- 
diate constituency; together, an incomparable trio, occupying 
an elevation, all their own, illuminating one hemisphere, and 
attracting the admiring gaze of the otiier. Now, all gathrrc^d 
to the Fathers of the Republic, and their lofty eminence — 
vacant. He who can look up to that mighty void, and feel 
no sorrow, no foreboding of evil, knows not the pulsation of 
an American heart. 




It has been happily remarked that " history is philosophy 
teaching by example." This is equally true in that enlarged 
sense, which implies lessons of wisdom deduced from the 
recorded experience of other nations, and in that more limit- 
ed one, which supposes prominent actors in the events 
chronicled, presented to the rising generation, as models to 
be emulated. The character of a statesman who has so 
identified himself with his country's life, tliat his biography is 
inseparable from her history, is worthy the study of all intel- 
ligent Tninds. Whilst, therefore, we derive a melancholy 
pleasure in paying appropriate honors to the illustrious dead, 
ours be the effort to place fairly before the living, an eleva- 
ted, but attainable standard of merit. 

To estimate accurately this merit, although limited by the 
proprieties of the occasion, to transient glimpses of promi- 
nent points in the life of him we mourn, we may not over- 
look either his childhood, youth, mature manhood, or hoary 
age. Born in Hanover county, Virginia, during the first 
year of American Independence, of humble parentage, in the 
vale of poverty, Henry Clay was deprived in his fourth year 
of paternal support and guidance. His widowed mother, 
though true to her sacred trust, could do no more than form 
the basis of his character, and procure for him in a neigh- 
boring ilistrict school, the simplest rudiments of an English 
education. In this Seminary of learning, whose local habita- 
tion was an unpretending log-cabin — whose only class books 
bore the time-honored names of Dihvorth, Murray, Pike 
and 3Iorse — whose faculties of instruction were all united 
in some absolute pedagogue, unknown to fame, perhaps 
skilled to teach the young idea how to shoot — behold the 
Alma Mater of Henry Clay. So soon as he had acquired 
sufficient stature and muscular strength for the lighter labors 
of agriculture, he was removed thence to a life of duily toil. 
From this primitive and laborious occupation he passed, whilst 
still in boyhood, to a clerkship in a petty retail store at the 
Capitol of Virginia, where he remained until the completion 
of his fifteenth year. About this time his mother emigrated 
to the State of Kentucky, having first procured him the 



situation of Assistant Clerk, in the high court of Chancery of 
Virginia. Thus, at tlie age of fifteen, was he left (as forci- 
bly expressed by himself in after years) "without guardian, 
without pecuniary means of support, to steer his course as 
he might or could." 

Thrown upon his own resources and earning a meager sub- 
sistence, though hopelessly precluded the teaching of professed 
instructors, he found in his new position sources of infor- 
mation never before accessible. Casual associations to 
which he was now introduced, both stimulated and aided his 
untiring efforts in the acquisition of knowledge. The fre- 
quent exhibition of forensic ability, awakened a consciousness 
of adaptation to the pursuit upon which he was a ministerial 
attendant, and in it he resolved to venture the fortunes of his 
hfe. Despite all interposing obstacles and discouragements, 
before the completion of his twenty-first year, he stood upon 
the threshhold of hfe with the commission of an attorney 
and counsellor at law in his hand, modestly inviting patronage 
and bravely facing competition. 

The yearning of a fiUal heart, now directed his steps 
towards that fair young daughter of the old dominion, in the 
shade of whose virgin forests the lot of his surviving parent 
was cast. Although the portion of life exclusively devoted 
to the practice of law was brief, success unparalleled as the 
result of such antecedents, crowned his efforts. Modest 
yet manly, frank yet courteous in deportment — generous 
from impulse — truthful in word and act, he conciliated esteem 
as if by magic. With a fascinating address, a vigorous in- 
tellect and a persuasive elocution, he made and improved 
opportunities, for which others have waited and waiting 
pined. An appreciating public opened before him a constantly 
widening field for the exercise of rare abilities, and smoothed 
the way for rapid advance to the front rank of his profession. 
In extent and profundity of legal lore, lie, of course, en- 
countered superiors, but in those departments of practice, 
which demanded personal influence, forcible logic or eloquent 
advocacy, he stood unrivalled. 

The same qualities which advanced him to professional 




eminence evinced his fitness for political life, and the popu- 
lar sovereignty of Kentucky, no less absolute than free, 
quickly transferred him from private pursuits, to public 
service. Placed in nomination for the popular branch of the 
State Legislature, without his consent or knowledge, and 
returned without personal eftbrt, he commenced an active 
political career, six years after having passed the boundary 
of Kentucky, a stripling short of majority — a stranger, a 
friendless, penniless, uneducated adventurer. He may be 
said to have sprung into life, with this young and vigorous 
State, growing with her growth, thriving upon her patronage 
and more than any other native, or adopted son, contributing 
to mould her character and develop her resources. Most 
worthily has she repaid his noble services, by a confidence 
that never waned — a sustaining suffrage that never faltered. 
Within her borders, was his local habitation, there repose his 
remains, and her separate State sovereignty, resting upon a 
territory of unsurpassed fecundity — towering amidst a teeming 
population of intelligent freemen — embellished by all the insi*^- 
nia of advanced civilization, shall be his endurin«- monument. 
But as Kentucky claims no exclusive property in Mr. 
Clay's fame, so neither did she monopolise his services. 
Indeed, so unprecedented was the growth of his popularity 
and influence, that the Legislature which he first entered in 
1803, elected him in 1806, to fill a vacancy in the Senate of 
the United States. Mark now the strides by which this 
wonderful man moved on to eminence. Fifteen vears after 
having emerged from an inconsiderable mercantile establish- 
ment in Richmond, fettered by obscurity, ignorance and 
orphanage — nine years after commencing life in Kentucky, 
not then disenthralled from this tripple bondage, three years 
after his appearance in the State Legislature, behold the 
farm-boy of Hanover, sitting in council with the Conscript 
Fathers of America. Nor was he in that august parliamen- 
tary assembly, a Senator by the catalogue. Even then and 
there, his unbending integrity of character, precocious wisdom, 
and impressive eloquence commanded respect and asserted 
influence. 



Mr. Clay entered public life in an eventful era of our 
country's history. Our bold experiment was of doubtful 
issue, for the Republic was still young-, still suffering from 
the exhaustion of her revolutionary struggle — her internal 
policy unsettled — her foreign relations disturbed — her Legis- 
lature agitated by rancorous party strife. His early 
Senatorial service was signalised by the advocacy of 
adequate protection to domestic industry, which he believed 
essential to the firm establishment of our Independence, and 
to which he gave a firm and consistent support, throughout a 
lengthened political course. 

In 1811 Mr. Clay having voluntarily retired from the 
Senate, was first returned to the House of Representatives, 
where his claim to pre-eminence was acknowledged by his 
immediate elevation to the Speaker's chair. Experience 
approved the choice, for never has that tun:ultuous assembly 
so nearly approximated the dignity and efiiciency assigned it 
in theory, as under his administration. Throughout his 
membership of that body it was questionable, whether the 
controlling energy of his will in the chair, or his masterly 
capacity to lead on the floor, Avas the most urgent necessity 
of Stale. 

At this time the momentous question of war or jieace was 
forced upon the consideration of Congress. The popular 
mind had not fully apprehended the exigency of our affairs, 
and there was, consequently, no public opinion to guide the 
Legislator. The administration presenting a gloomy picture 
of our accumulated wrongs, and frankly acknowledging their 
failure to obtain redress by negotiation, irresolutely deferred 
a recommendation of recourse to the last argument. Upon 
this, as upon other (juestions, parties in Congress were divi- 
ded. Mr. Clay, the acknowledged leader of the Republican 
party in the House of Representatives, came forward the 
fearless and elocpient advocate of an immediate declaration 
of war with Great Britain. It is no disparagement of his 
wortiiy compeers, to say that he was foremost of tlunn all, 
in overshadowing influence and spirit-stirring appeals. His 
voice was the clarion of war, that aroused the slumbering 



11 



energies of the people, and stimulated their Representatives 
to a measure of just retaliation. The administration shaking 
off its irresolution, boldly met the crisis. The declaration 
went forth, nor throughout that sanguinary conflict, did the 
spirit of the great Commoner quail or his resources fail the 
Government. 

Let it not be supposed, however, that a state of war was 
congenial to his taste, or in his opinion promotive of national 
prosperity. None knew better its exhausting processes, its 
deplorable results — none more appreciated the opposite 
consequences of enduring peace. He advocated war as the 
only possible escape from the degradation of nominal Inde- 
pendence, veiling actual subserviance to a Potentate, 
whose dominion we had discarded. A series of victories 
achieved on land, and on the ocean wave, where Britannia 
claimed to rule, ample demonstration afforded of our 
purpose, and power to maintain in essential vigor our 
acknowledged independence ; the whole weight of Mr. 
Clay's influence and all the resources of his intellect, were 
devoted to the restoration of peace. A prominent actor in 
the negotiations which terminated hostilities — second to none 
of his associates in the firmness and ability which maintained 
our just claims, nor in the skill which foiled diplomatic finesse 
at every point, he is entitled to the sole credit of having 
secured to us the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi. 

With the course of political events in our Country since 
that time, no statesman has been more intimately connected 
than Mr. Clay — no one has so often been recognized on 
emergent occasions as the leading spirit. In the foreign re- 
lations and domestic policy of the Federal Government, he 
has been equally conspicuous and influential. The intricate 
subjects of revenue, (involving its sources, collection, safe 
keeping, and disbursement,) — of a National currency — of 
encouragement to domestic industry — of internal improve- 
ments — of extension and protection to commerce — of the 
public domain — have all elicited the highest eflbrts of his 
mind. For reasons sufiiciently obvious, a review of Mr. 
Clay's opinions regarding these recent and exciting topics 



of legislation, would be inappropriate to the occasion. They 
are referred to here as prominent way-marks in his career, 
denoting the comprehensive range of his statesmanship. 

It is not pretended that he was always right; but his 
eulogist hazards nothing in asserting that, with transcendant 
discernment, he was always in the jmrsuit of right — always 
sustained by the conviction of behig right. Who will venture 
to question the sincerity with which, in response to a pru- 
dential warning, he uttered that Roman sentiment, "/ had 
rather be right, than be President. 

But were it conceded that Mr. Clay's public services thus 
far enumerated were unequalled in magnitude, still his most 
valuable contributions to the general welfare, his noblest offer- 
ings on the altar of patriotism, remain to be told. Our chief 
perils have sprung not from foreign controversy, but from 
internal dissensions. With so vast an extent of territory, 
involving great variety of climate and consequent diversity 
of pursuit, and of social organization, conflict of interest is 
inevitable. It was foreseen, and its prevention attempted by 
the framers of our Constitution. The problem they endea- 
vored to solve was the transfer from the States to the Federal 
Government, of just so much political power as was necessary 
to maintain rights and promote interests common to all, 
leaving with them, severally, the residue, as an indisjjensable 
safeguard to local interests. But no human foresight could 
prevent efforts, on the one hand, to resume, or to paralyze, 
powers delegated, or, on the other, to usurp those retained. 
Hence, (it has been truly remarked,) the evolutions of our 
complex institutions, have developed tendencies analagous to 
the grand oi)posing forces of the solar system. The dif- 
ference is, that in the former case, imperfect human wisdom 
adjusted, as best it could, their balance; whilst, in the latter, 
Omniscience itself devised their imperturbable eciuilibriuni. 
Nearly sixty centuries of ceaseless movement, attest the un- 
broken harmony of the si)heres ; whilst one has three several 
times witnessed terriffic discord among the Stat(!s. God for- 
bid that either their consolidation or their disunion be regis- 
tered in the chronicles of its still inconq)lete -cycle. 



:^l 




Passing over the particular questions which, on those 
occasions, so fearfully agitated the country, with the single 
remark, that they either originated in, or led to, sectional 
controversy, let us glance at the position of parties, as indica- 
tive of imminent consequences. The one, in anticipation of, 
or opposition to, aggressive Federal legislation, threatened to 
interpose the ultimate sovereignty of the aggrieved States; 
whilst the other as distinctly intimated the purpose of meeting 
this interj)osition with the central power accumulated ' in the 
Federal Government. In one instance, it will be remembered, 
the conflict had progressed to the adoption of an annulling 
State ordinance, and the issue of a counteracting Federal 
proclamation — a state of things analagous to the attitude of 
independent Nations, in the interval between a declaration of 
war and the first actual collision of arms. To the like 
extremity, in each of the other instances, events were tending. 
Here then was positive conflict between those opposite forces, 
or tendencies, in our system, whose proper balance constitutes 
its beauty and safety — whose direct antagonism must always 
endanger its very existence. Each time the controversy 
reached its crisis in the National Legislature, Representatives 
of the people, imbued with the phrensied excitement of their 
constituents, stood arrayed in opposing, I had almost said, in 
hosfile ranks. Their acknowledged leaders, champions of 
extreme opinions, recognized and deprecated the peril, but 
seeing no escape by conciliation, nerved themselves to meet 
it. The whole fabric of Government shook to its foundation. 
Desperation, or dismay, was depicted on every face. But 
lo! a man of majestic mien, his countenance radiant with the 
blended light of intellect, of patriotism, and of hope, stands 
forth in the arena, bearing in his hand a manuscript of un- 
known import. As with calm and suasive voice he unfolds 
its contents, all eyes are fixed upon him, all minds intently 
bent to catch the growing marvel. It is a scheme of pacifi- 
cation, a scroll of destiny. Gradually the spirit in which it 
was conceived, diffuses itself throughout the assembly, 
quelling the tumult of passion. Reason, restored to her 
rio-htful empire, approves the project, and the impossible 



J 




adjustment of yesterday, stands revealed, the happy achieve- 
ment of to-day. Then, millions of American hearts, with 
oblations of gratitude for deliverance from anarchy and blood- 
shed, mingled orisons for blessing on the head of Henry 
Clay. 

With this imperfect sketch of a life so illustrious, gladly 
would I leave my Fellow Citizens to their reflections, did not 
the intellectual and moral traits, whose combination invested 
Mr. Clay with power so extraordinary, demand a passing 
notice. 

Who can contem})iate his intellect — its gigantic strength, 
its admirable proportions, its exhaustless energy, without 
amazement. Versatile, brilliant, profound — employed in the 
most momentous aflairs of the age to which it belonged — an 
age distinguished for progress in letters, in arts, in Govern- 
ment — it was never tasked beyond its power of efficient 
action. Unaided by collegiate or academic education, having 
sprung in early manhood, by a single bound, into the whirl 
of busy life, his learning was always found ecpial to his station. 
Untrained in polemics, his logic was close and vigorous. 
AVithout time or opportunity in youth to study the best models 
of his own or other times, he made himself a model of elo- 
quence. It may truly be said, he had a genius for the diver- 
sified services of Republican Government. As a legislator, 
his resources were unfailing. Called to the Cabinet, his ad- 
ministrative talents shone conspicuously. Deputed to foreign 
service, he stood confessed an overmatch for the trained 
Dij)lomatists of the first Court in Europe. 

Comparing him with those illustrious cotemporaries who 
attained his own elevation, and may fairly be designated 
rivals, it will be found that in some of the jnonnnent attri- 
l)utes of statesmanship, separately considered, he had ecpials, 
doubtless, in others, superiors. It was the happy combina- 
tion of numerous great attributes, that distinguished him 
from all. Gifts which Nature i)arceled out among others, 
sh(^ seemed to hav(^ bestowed in blended endowment upon 
him. Such comparison, however, would be incomplete without 
presenting in just prominence his more profound knowledge 




of human nature, his more abounding sympathy with his 
fellows, his greater familiarity with the avenues to the under- 
standing and heart of man. Hence, in emergencies, his more 
ready and accurate discernment of the practicable, and of 
the means adapted to its accomplishment. Hence, whilst 
others exerted all their energies to eHect directly opposite 
ends, each party claiming to be the exclusive conservators of 
the public welfare, he often discovered between their extreme 
positions, a middle ground upon which their conflicting views 
could bo harmonised. On the memorable occasions previous- 
ly adverted to, (destined to occupy a conspicuous place in 
history,) the success of his interposition resulted, in a great 
measure, from a just discrimination between the principle 
involved, and the extent of its application. Did time permit 
it might easily be demonstrated, that he surrendered the 
great j)rinciplc for which he contended, in neither instance. 
That was always preserved intact ; the Compromise consist- 
ing in its modified or restricted application. Studying the 
Federal constitution, and its authoritative cotemporary 
expositions with a ])racticai and liberal judgment, he caught 
the spirit of Compromise in which it was elaborated, and 
perceived the necessity for its exercise in legislation, 
within the pale of that instrument. If, in after times, states- 
men less discriminating, or less scrupulous should carry it to 
a ruinous extent, frittering away the provisions of our organic 
law, the error will be no more chargable to him, than to the 
founders of the Government, who gave it the sanction of 
their example. Let the political puritan, who, repudiating 
the rule of conduct, would stigmatise the memory of its great 
exemplars, explain by Avhat other means the benign Govern- 
ment which overshadows us could have been organised or 
perpetuated. 

But the great secret of Mr. Clay's; mysterious power, 
lav in the moral attributes that distinguished him. The 
substrate of his character was truthfulness — whose constant 
emanations were directness of purpose, and frankness in 
intercourse. Hence the unquestioning confidence invariably 
accorded to him by friends and opponents. Conjoined to this 



was a moral courage, which, in the expression of opinion, or 
in the discharge of duty, admitted no pause to calculate per- 
sonal consequences, which in party evolutions often prompted 
him to lead where more timid, or time-serving spirits, feared 
to follow. Feelingly alive to the good opinion of his coun- 
trymen, properly appreciating the honors that waited on 
his brilhant career, no instance can be adduced, in which he 
swerved from a prescribed hne of public policy, or shrunk 
from a known duty to enhance popularity, or obtain station. 
True, he was too shining a mark to escape the arrows of 
detraction ; but the judgment of his cotemporaries is, that 
they fell innocuous at his feet. We think of these things 
now, only to invoke in the awards of both Time and Eternity, 
pardon for his repentant calumniators. But Mr. Clay's 
courao-e w^as without the taint of desperation. To a well 
matured and clearly ascertained pubhc opinion, he invariably 
paid that deference, which no wise man ever withholds. If, 
in accordance with the conclusions of his own reason, none 
knew better how to wield it as a weapon of political warfare. 
When, in his judgment, formed upon insufficient data, or 
influenced by the disturbing elements of passion or preju- 
dice, under the false teaching of Demagogues, his whole 
nature revolted against tame submission to its behests. Yet 
ever too wise to meet it with defiance, he would bravely and 
hopefully essay its reformation. A firm believer in the 
««;eo"n7^, he never weakly imagined, or cringingly asserted the 
infalliUlity of the people. With abundant capacity to occupy 
the bad eminence of Prince among Demagogues, be it re- 
membered among his chief glories, that he was a living terror 
to those pestilent evil-doers. 

Mr. Clay's whole life was embellished by a most elevated 
and catholic patriotism. Doubtless loving with peculiar ten- 
derness, as generous natures always do, the State of his 
nativity — though ever turning to the State of his adoption, 
with a filial devotion, such as David cherished for Jerusa- 
lem, he regarded Virginia and Kentucky as integral i)arts 
of a vast empire, with \vliose destiny, for weal or for woe, 
thcir's and his were inseparably blended. This was the 




country he delighted to honor and to serve, for in her 
Government, practically free in its pervading Represent- 
ative principle, essentially strong in its federal organism, 
the most hopeful exponent of regulated liberty developed 
in the course of time, he found scope for the exercise 
of his moral and intellectual powers. His thoughts and 
affections, like combined rays of light and heat, permeated 
the country in its length and breadth, always converging 
in its focal brightness upon the Federal Union, commended 
by Washington to his children, as the palladium of their 
liberties. The farewell precept of our venerated Father, he 
enshrined in his heart and obeyed in his life. 

Youthful aspirants to fame and to usefulness, gifted, yet 
tramellcd — ardent yet fainting ; to your emulation we pre- 
sent this brilliant example, which our eyes have seen. 
Who that would be great and good, like Clay, living under 
the same Government, and conscious of latent power, will 
pause to calculate chances or measure obstacles ? Halt not 
upon the inquiry, whether Nature has endowed you with 
equal liberality. Stand boldly forward and measure statures 
with the briefless barrister of twenty. Take each to him- 
self, as he did, a strong will, a brave and virtuous heart, 
and on to the ordeal. Half a century hence will be soon 
enough to institute comparison with the veteran statesman. 

Fellow-Citizens, I have earnestly endeavored to do your 
bidding, painfully oppressed throughout by the magnitude of 
the undertaking. There is a merit too exalted for appropri- 
ate eulogy — there is a sorrow too profound for adequate ex- 
pression. Such merit crowns "the life and services of 
Henry Clay ; " such sorrow broods over this multitude, 
assembled in pubUc recognition of his death. 

We may, however, dwell a moment, with melancholy 
pleasure, upon the appropriate and beautifully harmonious 
close of a life fruitful of grand results. You all remember, 
when lately, conscious of having acted well his part, feeling 
the infirmities and claiming the privilege of age, he retired to 
the peaceful shades of Ashland, resolved to spend the rem- 
nant of his days in domestic quietude. You remember well 



how soon that hallowed repose, sweetened by the companion- 
ship of his aged consort, the tender and faithful partner of 
all his fortunes, was broken by startling sounds of civil dis- 
cord, issuing from the Capitol. Then came to him the voice 
of Kentucky, saying, arise Time-worn Patriot, resume your 
robes of office, go up yet once again to the great Council 
Chamber, and pour oil upon the troubled waters. Obedient 
to a call never made in vain, he reappears in the Congress 
of the Nation, with hoary head, and shortened step, and 
broken voice, but with the fires of intellect and of patriotism 
burning no less brightly than in the zenith of his manhood. 
This time, the venerable Patriarch, that old man eloquent, 
came upon his last mission of Peace to his distracted Country. 
That accomplished, he laid himself down to die, amid his 
compeers, in the scene of his toils and his triumphs, beneath 
the unbroken arch of the Constitution he had ihrke rescued 
from destruction. What though the clouds that lowered at 
his coming had not all gone to their chambers of darkness ! 
Their lightnings spent, the voice of their thunders hushed, 
they but lingered in broken fragments around the closing 
scene, like the drapery of autumnal evening, reflecting in 
gorgeous hues the light of the departing luminary. 

But not alone did Patriotism wait upon that bed of Death. 
Religion, with her blessed ministrations. Holy Religion was 
there, in his last extremity, pointing his faith to the Cross 
whereon Divinity incarnate made atonement for ruined 
Humanity — elevating his hope to the throne of The Eternal, 
where that same Divinity, reascended, pleads in advocacy of 
repentant, believing Humanity. How couhl it be otherwise? 
Said not He who spake as never man spake, '■'■ Blessed are 
the Peace-makers^ for they shall he called the Children of 
God?" Then, would He permit the i)ilgrimage of this 
illustrious Peace-maker among individuals, and states, and 
nations, to close without the bestowal of that crownin"- title ? 
Title, verily, of Immortality, whereby when his ascending 
spirit had left with Earth his perishable titles of earthly re- 
nown, convoying Angels announced him to the Heavenly 
Host. Earth resounded with the wail, alas ! alas ! ! for 




the departed Patriot ! ! ! In Heaven, swelled the salutory 
shout — Hail! all hail!! disenthralled Child of 
God!!! 

Thus, in a good old age, his mission finished, his intellect 
unimpaired, his fame unblemished, passed the spirit of 
Henry Clay. But his mantle — his mantle, Oh, my 
Country, upon whom has it fallen ? Though hidden now 
from our view, let us cherish the hope that it rests upon the 
shoulders of some unknown Elisha, waiting to be revealed 
in the dealings of that Gracious Providence, who, in the 
extremity of our peril, has always brought forth a dehverer. 







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